Whig whigwiki https://whig.miraheze.org/wiki/Main_Page MediaWiki 1.41.0 first-letter Media Special Talk User User talk Whig Whig talk File File talk MediaWiki MediaWiki talk Template Template talk Help Help talk Category Category talk Module Module talk 0 1 1 2024-02-21T22:15:05Z MediaWiki default 1 Welcome to Miraheze! wikitext text/x-wiki __NOTOC__ == Welcome to {{SITENAME}}! == This Main Page was created automatically and it seems it hasn't been replaced yet. === For the bureaucrat(s) of this wiki === Hello, and welcome to your new wiki! Thank you for choosing Miraheze for the hosting of your wiki, we hope you will enjoy our hosting. You can immediately start working on your wiki or whenever you want. Need help? No problem! We will help you with your wiki as needed. 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Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism evolved over time, with one major shift being the transition from anti-Catholicism to religious tolerance. ==PRINCIPLES== ===Ethics=== [[Human Rights]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] ===Government=== [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will of the People]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] 08b8fb4c3eec5ec6ebe608e1f927ab2725f009c1 3 2 2024-02-21T22:39:00Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain. It can be categorised as a kind of Classical Liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism evolved over time, with one major shift being the transition from anti-Catholicism to religious tolerance. ==PRINCIPLES== ===Ethics=== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] ===Government=== [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will of the People]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] 2986b7e99d9c49cc7d67a38a353f461d749b76ad 4 3 2024-02-21T22:40:44Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain. It can be categorised as a kind of Classical Liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism evolved over time, with one major shift being the transition from anti-Catholicism to religious tolerance. ==PRINCIPLES== ===Ethics=== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] ===Government=== [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will of the People]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] 879721b4ffae55c19c89c63a455837cfe01fa569 5 4 2024-02-21T22:42:29Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain. It can be categorised as a kind of Classical Liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism evolved over time, with one major shift being the transition from anti-Catholicism to religious tolerance. ==PRINCIPLES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will of the People]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] 2e7e55e7f9072b21434ad924bef296de0ac31a13 6 5 2024-02-21T22:42:41Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain. It can be categorised as a kind of Classical Liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism evolved over time, with one major shift being the transition from anti-Catholicism to religious tolerance. ==PRINCIPLES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will of the People]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] d1facac05e4e98163d9c08ebc807235e6a165b0b 7 6 2024-02-21T22:55:34Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, the opinions of whigs varied, and many major contributors to whig thought predate whigs or did not identify as whigs themselves. That being so, it should be understood that the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of particular whigs who shared similar views, and is not a full account of whiggism as a whole. ==GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will of the People]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== 838730cb30fb0a7579d9dde292629c69a2cb79ee 15 7 2024-02-21T23:35:31Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, the opinions of whigs varied, and many major contributors to whig thought predate whigs or did not identify as whigs themselves. That being so, it should be understood that the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of particular whigs who shared similar views, and is not a full account of whiggism as a whole. ==GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyrannical States]] | [[Megacorporations]] bec0959b101753c19bd9c176f53cd72935bf0161 28 15 2024-02-22T00:27:19Z Hurlebatte 2 /* CURRENT ISSUES */ wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, the opinions of whigs varied, and many major contributors to whig thought predate whigs or did not identify as whigs themselves. That being so, it should be understood that the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of particular whigs who shared similar views, and is not a full account of whiggism as a whole. ==GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 0ab8ffdbf4a831a27faf11f6805bd0a19763baef 29 28 2024-02-22T00:27:52Z Hurlebatte 2 /* GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS */ wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, the opinions of whigs varied, and many major contributors to whig thought predate whigs or did not identify as whigs themselves. That being so, it should be understood that the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of particular whigs who shared similar views, and is not a full account of whiggism as a whole. ==GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] f10dd01fe9009bbfabb5573b5d7e53b95f2dad61 33 29 2024-02-22T00:44:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism, being the least hypocritical and least contradictory opinions. ==GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 2bcab6241ac31997fc04892a0b1a9c02777742a0 34 33 2024-02-22T00:44:45Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Main Page]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism, being the least hypocritical and least contradictory opinions. ==GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 2bcab6241ac31997fc04892a0b1a9c02777742a0 44 34 2024-02-22T00:59:09Z Hurlebatte 2 /* GUIDING QUOTES ON VARIOUS TOPICS */ wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on human rights and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy. Whiggism was never codified, it had no single founder, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism, being the least hypocritical and least contradictory opinions. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 228dd7d400433faf62eed151b93aa4f60d33d5ff 50 44 2024-02-22T14:36:18Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more accurate name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Lockeism-Sidneyism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 971c8defb032e111e0585fd7fc9efe58825fae7f 51 50 2024-02-22T14:39:32Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has its roots in various predecessors, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more accurate name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 46e7d77a4fe0792beff017f96d1281a2532b7093 52 51 2024-02-22T14:41:45Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism took inspiration from many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more accurate name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] aa378e68f2c9e9712ed0707820dd35aad312c61d 0 2 8 2024-02-21T23:22:26Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with ""It appears, in fact, that if I am bound to do no injury to my fellow-creatures, this is less because they are rational than because they are sentient beings: and this quality, being common both to men and beasts, ought to entitle the latter at least to the privilege of not being wantonly ill-treated by the former." —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) "That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an exam..." wikitext text/x-wiki "It appears, in fact, that if I am bound to do no injury to my fellow-creatures, this is less because they are rational than because they are sentient beings: and this quality, being common both to men and beasts, ought to entitle the latter at least to the privilege of not being wantonly ill-treated by the former." —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) "That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty." —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) 9bf739a64f6e178089a19878e3fd11d9029bc1d4 9 8 2024-02-21T23:22:47Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki "It appears, in fact, that if I am bound to do no injury to my fellow-creatures, this is less because they are rational than because they are sentient beings: and this quality, being common both to men and beasts, ought to entitle the latter at least to the privilege of not being wantonly ill-treated by the former." —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) "That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty." —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) 52c953d73a65a8700863be2b22c1d26d6190f4a4 10 9 2024-02-21T23:26:34Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki "It appears, in fact, that if I am bound to do no injury to my fellow-creatures, this is less because they are rational than because they are sentient beings: and this quality, being common both to men and beasts, ought to entitle the latter at least to the privilege of not being wantonly ill-treated by the former." —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) br> "That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty." —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) 2b3d785f456c4064c862a95d47e4b035babf8b6b 11 10 2024-02-21T23:27:16Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki "It appears, in fact, that if I am bound to do no injury to my fellow-creatures, this is less because they are rational than because they are sentient beings: and this quality, being common both to men and beasts, ought to entitle the latter at least to the privilege of not being wantonly ill-treated by the former." —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <br> "That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty." —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) 16eca2f8fb32895f76981e09b1348700f1c05131 14 11 2024-02-21T23:32:41Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>It appears, in fact, that if I am bound to do no injury to my fellow-creatures, this is less because they are rational than because they are sentient beings: and this quality, being common both to men and beasts, ought to entitle the latter at least to the privilege of not being wantonly ill-treated by the former.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) 26ead6267d91f9e51dc808a55cf8a4c2a81b83e3 45 14 2024-02-22T01:22:45Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) f64555d4dbebd600eda8f55a4730aac9f0a9d922 0 4 16 2024-02-21T23:42:45Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —JOHN LOCKE, TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT, BOOK 2 CHAPTER 5 I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state. —THOMAS JEFFERSON (A LETTER TO JAMES MADISON, OCTOBER 28, 1785) 🏝️ It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . . —THOMAS PAINE, AGRARIAN JUSTICE , 🏝️ The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man.". —MONTESQUIEU, THE SPIRIT OF LAWS (BOOK 5) 🏝️ We are not always obliged to proceed to extremes. If it appears that this division of lands, which was designed to preserve the people's morals, does not suit with the democracy, recourse must be had to other methods. —MONTESQUIEU, THE SPIRIT OF LAWS (BOOK 6) 🏝️ > All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it. —BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (A LETTER TO ROBERT MORRIS, 25 DECEMBER 1783) <https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Franklin/01-41-02-0231> 🏝️ The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody. —ROUSSEAU (DISCOURSE ON THE ORIGIN AND BASIS OF INEQUALITY AMONG MEN, PART 2) :island: The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . . —ALGERNON SIDNEY (DISCOURSES CONCERNING GOVERNMENT (CHAPTER 1 SECTION 12) 🏝️ As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce. —ADAM SMITH, THE WEALTH OF NATIONS, BOOK 1 CHAPTER 6 🏝️ That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . . —LEVELLER PAMPHLET (~1649) 🏝️ > It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence. —JOHN JAY (A LETTER TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, 25 MARCH 1773) 75f7bf8bdca316c14e33966937606002016f1588 17 16 2024-02-21T23:48:48Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —JOHN LOCKE, TWO TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT, BOOK 2 CHAPTER 5 <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —THOMAS JEFFERSON (A LETTER TO JAMES MADISON, OCTOBER 28, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —THOMAS PAINE, AGRARIAN JUSTICE <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —MONTESQUIEU, THE SPIRIT OF LAWS (BOOK 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (A LETTER TO ROBERT MORRIS, 25 DECEMBER 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —ROUSSEAU (DISCOURSE ON THE ORIGIN AND BASIS OF INEQUALITY AMONG MEN, PART 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —ALGERNON SIDNEY (DISCOURSES CONCERNING GOVERNMENT (CHAPTER 1 SECTION 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —ADAM SMITH, THE WEALTH OF NATIONS, BOOK 1 CHAPTER 6 <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —LEVELLER PAMPHLET (~1649) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —JOHN JAY (A LETTER TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, 25 MARCH 1773) 23edce970bec9501da157977f5cff5bc2023ed8e 18 17 2024-02-21T23:54:42Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —ALGERNON SIDNEY (DISCOURSES CONCERNING GOVERNMENT (CHAPTER 1 SECTION 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —ADAM SMITH, THE WEALTH OF NATIONS, BOOK 1 CHAPTER 6 <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —LEVELLER PAMPHLET (~1649) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —JOHN JAY (A LETTER TO THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH, 25 MARCH 1773) 33ef0d8f746289911187956e57b805363ec69975 19 18 2024-02-21T23:58:23Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller pamphlet (c. 1649) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) 6add056024157236ca6ae68541aacd33521e5f1d 20 19 2024-02-21T23:59:11Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller pamphlet (c. 1649) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) 77e5daa7736eac3f9cf4cd2f2d55d2e833be5c6b 32 20 2024-02-22T00:36:06Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) 1ab56e140d3164670074a8963a12e4cce8fc2144 39 32 2024-02-22T00:51:29Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract </blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) 37d7428d98ee1c862229dbaa634e4a9ae41012f0 40 39 2024-02-22T00:51:52Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) b6854711e8a269ba2f837d62a3629bf37781505d 46 40 2024-02-22T01:38:54Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) afa060b1e528c0fac1b02ba42b9eb2593a98281c 0 5 21 2024-02-22T00:04:28Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson <blockquote>. . .it is the duty of Governing Powers, to compel men to this part of Religion, that is, to the outward acts of Justice and Mercy; for the inward truth of mens Religion, even in these, is beyond the..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson <blockquote>. . .it is the duty of Governing Powers, to compel men to this part of Religion, that is, to the outward acts of Justice and Mercy; for the inward truth of mens Religion, even in these, is beyond the Mastgistrates Power of Judgement.</blockquote> —Leveller tract eedf976aa2fe59d3384141c31187b58778315312 24 21 2024-02-22T00:15:56Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson <blockquote>That no person be disabled from bearing any Office in the Common-Wealth, for any opinion or practise in Religion, though contrary to the publique way.</blockquote> —William Walwyn (No Papist Nor Presbyterian) <blockquote>. . .it is the duty of Governing Powers, to compel men to this part of Religion, that is, to the outward acts of Justice and Mercy; for the inward truth of mens Religion, even in these, is beyond the Mastgistrates Power of Judgement.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 37c9237f76f5e355c4301e0200e292565f24314d 36 24 2024-02-22T00:48:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson <blockquote>That no person be disabled from bearing any Office in the Common-Wealth, for any opinion or practise in Religion, though contrary to the publique way.</blockquote> —William Walwyn (No Papist Nor Presbyterian) <blockquote>. . .it is the duty of Governing Powers, to compel men to this part of Religion, that is, to the outward acts of Justice and Mercy; for the inward truth of mens Religion, even in these, is beyond the Mastgistrates Power of Judgement.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That we do not impower or entrust our said representatives to continue in force, or to make any Lawes, Oaths, or Covenants, whereby to compell by penalties or otherwise any person to any thing in or about matters of faith, Religion or Gods worship or to restrain any person from the profession of his faith, or exercise of Religion according to his Conscience, nothing having caused more distractions, and heart burnings in all ages, then persecution and molestation for matters of Conscience in and about Religion. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract d5d439d8e7c549492bd89ed486776272354a134c 0 6 22 2024-02-22T00:10:47Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>Whereas that burthensom Tax of the Excise lies heavie onely upon the poorer, and most ingenuous and industrious People, to their intolerable oppression; and that all persons of large Revenues in Lands, and vaste estates at usury, bear not the least proportionable weight of that burthen, whereby Trade decayes, and all ingenuity and industry is discouraged; That therefore that oppressive way of raising money may forthwith cease, and all moneys be raised by equa..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>Whereas that burthensom Tax of the Excise lies heavie onely upon the poorer, and most ingenuous and industrious People, to their intolerable oppression; and that all persons of large Revenues in Lands, and vaste estates at usury, bear not the least proportionable weight of that burthen, whereby Trade decayes, and all ingenuity and industry is discouraged; That therefore that oppressive way of raising money may forthwith cease, and all moneys be raised by equall Rates, according to the proportion of mens estates.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 1ae706d58b46c1f4baf8973627bf9acc84d336e1 0 7 23 2024-02-22T00:13:10Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial by strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to George Logan, 1816)" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial by strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to George Logan, 1816) 32f970499e831ff0fa49d3be8545a733da14a2f1 0 8 25 2024-02-22T00:18:38Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647)" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647) 1baa935c2323a060dc98d7e5fe00c8037b090b0e 49 25 2024-02-22T01:57:31Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647) <blockquote>Tho the Schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: They could not but see that which all men saw, nor lay more approved foundations, than, that man is naturally free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good, which he proposes to himself.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 2) 3396baa1e4dc0a7239a51e5f9334f6cb6f219132 0 9 26 2024-02-22T00:23:16Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>I observe by the public papers that he has brought on a very disagreeable altercation with Mr. Jay, in which he has given to the character of the latter a colouring which does not belong to it. These altercations, little thought of in America, make a great impression here. In truth it is afflicting that a man who has past his life in serving the public, who has served them in every the highest stations with universal approbation, and with a purity of conduct..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I observe by the public papers that he has brought on a very disagreeable altercation with Mr. Jay, in which he has given to the character of the latter a colouring which does not belong to it. These altercations, little thought of in America, make a great impression here. In truth it is afflicting that a man who has past his life in serving the public, who has served them in every the highest stations with universal approbation, and with a purity of conduct which has silenced even party opprobrium, who tho’ poor has never permitted himself to make a shilling in the public employ, should yet be liable to have his peace of mind so much disturbed by any individual who shall think proper to arraign him in a newspaper. It is however an evil for which there is no remedy. Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost. To the sacrifice, of time, labor, fortune, a public servant must count upon adding that of peace of mind and even reputation. And all this is preferable to European bondage. He who doubts it need only be placed for one week on any part of the Continent of Europe.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Currie, 1786) e57e784a8ec21fce2bcfe67bc34b61e55f4a9abb 35 26 2024-02-22T00:46:10Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I observe by the public papers that he has brought on a very disagreeable altercation with Mr. Jay, in which he has given to the character of the latter a colouring which does not belong to it. These altercations, little thought of in America, make a great impression here. In truth it is afflicting that a man who has past his life in serving the public, who has served them in every the highest stations with universal approbation, and with a purity of conduct which has silenced even party opprobrium, who tho’ poor has never permitted himself to make a shilling in the public employ, should yet be liable to have his peace of mind so much disturbed by any individual who shall think proper to arraign him in a newspaper. It is however an evil for which there is no remedy. Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost. To the sacrifice, of time, labor, fortune, a public servant must count upon adding that of peace of mind and even reputation. And all this is preferable to European bondage. He who doubts it need only be placed for one week on any part of the Continent of Europe.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Currie, 1786) <blockquote>And generally, as to the whole course of printing, as justly in our apprehensions, may Licensers be put over all publike or private Teachings, and Discourses, in Divine, Moral, Natural, Civil, or Political things, as over the Press; the liberty whereof appears so essential unto Freedom, as that without it, its impossible to preserve any Nation from being liable to the worst of bondage; for what may not be done, to that people who may not speak or write, but at the pleasure of Licensers?</blockquote> —Leveller tract 31899371420a0af92a008c776abbf32e3bd7e038 41 35 2024-02-22T00:53:15Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I observe by the public papers that he has brought on a very disagreeable altercation with Mr. Jay, in which he has given to the character of the latter a colouring which does not belong to it. These altercations, little thought of in America, make a great impression here. In truth it is afflicting that a man who has past his life in serving the public, who has served them in every the highest stations with universal approbation, and with a purity of conduct which has silenced even party opprobrium, who tho’ poor has never permitted himself to make a shilling in the public employ, should yet be liable to have his peace of mind so much disturbed by any individual who shall think proper to arraign him in a newspaper. It is however an evil for which there is no remedy. Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost. To the sacrifice, of time, labor, fortune, a public servant must count upon adding that of peace of mind and even reputation. And all this is preferable to European bondage. He who doubts it need only be placed for one week on any part of the Continent of Europe.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Currie, 1786) <blockquote>And generally, as to the whole course of printing, as justly in our apprehensions, may Licensers be put over all publike or private Teachings, and Discourses, in Divine, Moral, Natural, Civil, or Political things, as over the Press; the liberty whereof appears so essential unto Freedom, as that without it, its impossible to preserve any Nation from being liable to the worst of bondage; for what may not be done, to that people who may not speak or write, but at the pleasure of Licensers?</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>IT shall not be in their Power, to punish or cause to be punished, any person or persons, for refusing to answer to Questions against themselves in criminal Cases.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 467134fb5df4280790cf7aed9df5cbe5712c9425 0 10 27 2024-02-22T00:26:05Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789)" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) e8391f1dadcf17bbf837693f7852ecba80f5a6dc 0 11 30 2024-02-22T00:31:13Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>Your Excellency that science expects to encounter obstacles. the field of knolege is the common property of all mankind, and any discoveries we can make in it, will be for the benefit of your’s and of every other nation as well as our own’.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Henry Dearborn, 1807) <blockquote>It has been pretended by some (and in England especially) that inventors have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions; & not m..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>Your Excellency that science expects to encounter obstacles. the field of knolege is the common property of all mankind, and any discoveries we can make in it, will be for the benefit of your’s and of every other nation as well as our own’.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Henry Dearborn, 1807) <blockquote>It has been pretended by some (and in England especially) that inventors have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions; & not merely for their own lives, but inheritable to their heirs. but while it is a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived from nature at all, it would be singular to admit a natural, and even an hereditary right to inventions. it is agreed by those who have seriously considered the subject, that no individual has, of natural right, a separate property in an acre of land, for instance. by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the progress of society. it would be curious then if an idea, the fugitive fermentation of an individual brain, could, of natural right, be claimed in exclusive and stable property. if nature has made any one thing less susceptible, than all others, of exclusive property, it is the action of the thinking power called an Idea; which an individual may exclusively possess as long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, it forces itself into the possession of every one, and the reciever cannot dispossess himself of it. it’s peculiar character too is that no one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole of it. he who recieves an idea from me, recieves instruction himself, without lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at mine, recieves light without darkening me. that ideas should freely spread from one to another over the globe, for the moral and mutual instruction of man, and improvement of his condition, seems to have been peculiarly and benvolently designed by nature, when she made them, like fire, expansible over all space, without lessening their density in any point; and like the air in which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable of confinement, or exclusive appropriation. inventions then cannot in nature be a subject of property. society may give an exclusive right to the profits arising from them as an encouragement to men to pursue ideas which may produce utility. but this may, or may not be done, according to the will and convenience of the society, without claim or complaint from any body.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) de2cbb96e5b40cc22feff6146b1d2ef04c2e12f6 0 12 31 2024-02-22T00:35:22Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>We doe not impower them to impresse or constrain any person to serve in war by Sea or Land every mans Conscience being to be satisfied in the justness of that cause wherein he hazards his own life, or may destroy an others.</blockquote> —Leveller tract" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>We doe not impower them to impresse or constrain any person to serve in war by Sea or Land every mans Conscience being to be satisfied in the justness of that cause wherein he hazards his own life, or may destroy an others.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 2a96d78b55a006b58066e125571c7c8f1f9bff69 0 13 37 2024-02-22T00:49:47Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "</blockquote>. . . the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not cleerly described, and their bounds and limits prefixed.</blockquote> —Leveller tract" wikitext text/x-wiki </blockquote>. . . the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not cleerly described, and their bounds and limits prefixed.</blockquote> —Leveller tract a0e319c246186584b924b57406773c763ab4256d 38 37 2024-02-22T00:50:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>. . . the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not cleerly described, and their bounds and limits prefixed.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 6baa46864c3c14811a23062464defae5703faa53 47 38 2024-02-22T01:49:41Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>. . . the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not cleerly described, and their bounds and limits prefixed.</blockquote> —Leveller tract </blockquote>This work could be performed only by such as excelled in virtue; but lest they should deflect from it, no government was thought to be well constituted, unless the laws prevailed above the commands of men; and they were accounted as the worst of beasts, who did not prefer such a condition before a subjection to the fluctuating and irregular will of a man.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 1) 146c1b0aaba3fcb1544ceb5d70622dbf81619b13 48 47 2024-02-22T01:55:26Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>. . . the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not cleerly described, and their bounds and limits prefixed.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>This work could be performed only by such as excelled in virtue; but lest they should deflect from it, no government was thought to be well constituted, unless the laws prevailed above the commands of men; and they were accounted as the worst of beasts, who did not prefer such a condition before a subjection to the fluctuating and irregular will of a man.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 1) c7b6c71d7a7ad102c42f91153cd052c7ee6c8588 0 14 42 2024-02-22T00:54:24Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>That considering its a Badge of our slavery to a Norman Conqueror, to have our Laws in the French Tongue; and it is little lesse then brutish vassalage to be bound to walk by Laws which the people cannot know, that therefore all the Laws and Customs of this Realm be immediately written in our mother-Tongue without any abbreviations of words, and in the most known vulgar hand, viz. Roman or Secretary; and that Writs, Processes, and Enrolments be issued forth,..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That considering its a Badge of our slavery to a Norman Conqueror, to have our Laws in the French Tongue; and it is little lesse then brutish vassalage to be bound to walk by Laws which the people cannot know, that therefore all the Laws and Customs of this Realm be immediately written in our mother-Tongue without any abbreviations of words, and in the most known vulgar hand, viz. Roman or Secretary; and that Writs, Processes, and Enrolments be issued forth, entred, or inrolled in English, and such manner of writing as aforesaid.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 9081394f0a373a5a9cd3649c53db3afb00e00e9b 0 15 43 2024-02-22T00:57:19Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 99be6ee9890b6280f00cf1a92c8a9011c4153a44 0 1 53 52 2024-02-22T15:10:16Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more accurate name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 620873f2b5cab8fdcefd3654effe3d956c392530 54 53 2024-02-22T15:32:55Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 6e9f69e89dc18b8865956d5bdc37f1463c5e4301 55 54 2024-02-22T15:48:22Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Feminism]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] fedddaf684e9510f1c8607febb44280feb1fff80 62 55 2024-02-22T16:16:53Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 0bc58c8c965e3874e0b1b3477e3f8e3784de7257 81 62 2024-02-22T18:06:42Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Prisoner Abuse]] | [[Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] e4b4e7e32bbf2b46adcd3d5499395fa9ae3cf9a2 84 81 2024-02-22T18:26:29Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] f6713bc7d5d5257876ecd2f7fa2980e33276f1b9 86 84 2024-02-22T18:27:34Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Human Rights]] | [[Animal Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 2d3a718aec4a89f975a3af257887f2ade20f0c6b 90 86 2024-02-22T18:31:29Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki ==SUMMARY== Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 607302b4c6c986f541c687e2bc8651e1ea354099 94 90 2024-02-22T18:58:06Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ==GUIDING QUOTES== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ==HISTORY== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ==CURRENT ISSUES== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] 103b5417e91bb9b182c3e7eabd27d0bc3d6b6a56 95 94 2024-02-22T18:59:44Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ===GUIDING QUOTES=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyranny]] | [[Megacorporations]] fea2cc1434c28ad81ba90ea797c80e86bb4eab22 96 95 2024-02-22T19:01:22Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ===WHIGGISM & TODAY=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 99c35eb8603a8de22a43cb49f11ffc9ed51d7a62 97 96 2024-02-22T19:01:56Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, human rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] acda1c6a1e3f0543c756a14d68efb652769006c8 98 97 2024-02-22T19:02:42Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought. A more descriptive name for the ideology presented here might be something like Lilburneism-Sidneyism-Lockeism-Montesquieuism-Franklinism-Rousseauism-Paineism-Jeffersonism. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 63b40d200dd85925a8ef5e446abb80ebb787df01 99 98 2024-02-22T19:04:44Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best of whiggism and adjacent strains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 57ddfa284b4f7c359f13a7a769dd29b8421b81de 100 99 2024-02-22T19:06:53Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] cc5a8053a1fab2038d7570afe3859c0a1bdad424 101 100 2024-02-22T19:15:44Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] f5a49be5932976037fd4f248cab42686326407d1 102 101 2024-02-22T19:23:18Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] bff1bee3db0b89b90e34177b5bcf42a5595c1d62 0 16 56 2024-02-22T15:50:16Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5)" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 7bb762e0411387acbe51bfceff477a6c7706c565 57 56 2024-02-22T16:07:59Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —(Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) 01d9c724e6fccd3b121b7876f5532ef3ba3f7361 58 57 2024-02-22T16:10:00Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment of royal forests and land enclosures does seem to be a reoccurring theme in English political history. <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —(Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) 9818fe7f374f4333b8c76dbac6ff856f59b240ad 59 58 2024-02-22T16:13:24Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 11th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —(Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) 0c35a52dd9fd384b43bf1d17729b638fcee657fc 60 59 2024-02-22T16:13:51Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —(Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) 46673fd02f94c23b702e5db8e195741acaa749a1 61 60 2024-02-22T16:15:28Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) 7e4f78abb8527169853e8ddd055b37eb8fefbc11 76 61 2024-02-22T16:24:31Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Norman Yoke]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) 7e4f78abb8527169853e8ddd055b37eb8fefbc11 0 10 63 27 2024-02-22T16:17:11Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) ce737e02976f8e5c35af9044973c2109e9c5dc0d 64 63 2024-02-22T16:23:56Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Human Rights]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) ce737e02976f8e5c35af9044973c2109e9c5dc0d 88 64 2024-02-22T18:30:53Z Hurlebatte 2 Hurlebatte moved page [[Human Rights]] to [[Natural Rights]] without leaving a redirect wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) ce737e02976f8e5c35af9044973c2109e9c5dc0d 89 88 2024-02-22T18:31:14Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) <blockquote>When about 16 Years of Age, I happen’d to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, section 9) <blockquote>39. Refrain at all times such Foods as cannot be procured without violence and oppression. 40. For know, that all the inferior Creatures when hurt, do cry and send forth their Complaints to their Maker, or grand Fountain whence they proceeded.</blockquote> —Thomas Tryon (Wisdom's Dictates, page 6) <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) f60234fcea99c421161a480ff26d4dbdeccd5c3a 91 89 2024-02-22T18:31:47Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) <blockquote>When about 16 Years of Age, I happen’d to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, section 9) <blockquote>39. Refrain at all times such Foods as cannot be procured without violence and oppression. 40. For know, that all the inferior Creatures when hurt, do cry and send forth their Complaints to their Maker, or grand Fountain whence they proceeded.</blockquote> —Thomas Tryon (Wisdom's Dictates, page 6) <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) af34970fcbdd2fd05b9e701320fb4815b3f5aec3 92 91 2024-02-22T18:35:11Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) <blockquote>When about 16 Years of Age, I happen’d to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, section 9) <blockquote>39. Refrain at all times such Foods as cannot be procured without violence and oppression. 40. For know, that all the inferior Creatures when hurt, do cry and send forth their Complaints to their Maker, or grand Fountain whence they proceeded.</blockquote> —Thomas Tryon (Wisdom's Dictates, page 6) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) beb3be05292fbc8b93123b18bb8b9afa922d859b 0 2 65 45 2024-02-22T16:23:58Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Animal Rights]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) f64555d4dbebd600eda8f55a4730aac9f0a9d922 82 65 2024-02-22T18:15:23Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) <blockquote>When about 16 Years of Age, I happen’d to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, section 9) <blockquote>39. Refrain at all times such Foods as cannot be procured without violence and oppression. 40. For know, that all the inferior Creatures when hurt, do cry and send forth their Complaints to their Maker, or grand Fountain whence they proceeded.</blockquote> —Thomas Tryon (Wisdom's dictates, page 6) 5c3be71929ddde9d2cb1fd2fb57b077f25668455 83 82 2024-02-22T18:15:47Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) <blockquote>When about 16 Years of Age, I happen’d to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, section 9) <blockquote>39. Refrain at all times such Foods as cannot be procured without violence and oppression. 40. For know, that all the inferior Creatures when hurt, do cry and send forth their Complaints to their Maker, or grand Fountain whence they proceeded.</blockquote> —Thomas Tryon (Wisdom's Dictates, page 6) 2a595ca8ab2102185f351d1606ba40ec1dda679f 0 4 66 46 2024-02-22T16:24:01Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Common Land]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) afa060b1e528c0fac1b02ba42b9eb2593a98281c 0 8 67 49 2024-02-22T16:24:05Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Consent of the Governed]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647) <blockquote>Tho the Schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: They could not but see that which all men saw, nor lay more approved foundations, than, that man is naturally free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good, which he proposes to himself.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 2) 3396baa1e4dc0a7239a51e5f9334f6cb6f219132 80 67 2024-02-22T16:44:26Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647) <blockquote>Tho the Schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: They could not but see that which all men saw, nor lay more approved foundations, than, that man is naturally free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good, which he proposes to himself.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 2) <blockquote>’Tis hard to comprehend how one man can come to be master of many, equal to himself in right, unless it be by consent or by force. If by consent, we are at an end of our controversies: Governments, and the magistrates that execute them, are created by man. They who give a being to them, cannot but have a right of regulating, limiting and directing them as best pleaseth themselves</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 11) 25427b7dfe049d4d973cea429b4fc753ce880a28 0 5 68 36 2024-02-22T16:24:07Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Secularism]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson <blockquote>That no person be disabled from bearing any Office in the Common-Wealth, for any opinion or practise in Religion, though contrary to the publique way.</blockquote> —William Walwyn (No Papist Nor Presbyterian) <blockquote>. . .it is the duty of Governing Powers, to compel men to this part of Religion, that is, to the outward acts of Justice and Mercy; for the inward truth of mens Religion, even in these, is beyond the Mastgistrates Power of Judgement.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That we do not impower or entrust our said representatives to continue in force, or to make any Lawes, Oaths, or Covenants, whereby to compell by penalties or otherwise any person to any thing in or about matters of faith, Religion or Gods worship or to restrain any person from the profession of his faith, or exercise of Religion according to his Conscience, nothing having caused more distractions, and heart burnings in all ages, then persecution and molestation for matters of Conscience in and about Religion. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract d5d439d8e7c549492bd89ed486776272354a134c 0 13 69 48 2024-02-22T16:24:10Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Constitutionalism]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>. . . the People are perpetually subject to Tyranny, when the Jurisdiction of Courts, and the power and Authority of Officers are not cleerly described, and their bounds and limits prefixed.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>This work could be performed only by such as excelled in virtue; but lest they should deflect from it, no government was thought to be well constituted, unless the laws prevailed above the commands of men; and they were accounted as the worst of beasts, who did not prefer such a condition before a subjection to the fluctuating and irregular will of a man.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 1) c7b6c71d7a7ad102c42f91153cd052c7ee6c8588 0 11 70 30 2024-02-22T16:24:13Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Intellectual Property]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>Your Excellency that science expects to encounter obstacles. the field of knolege is the common property of all mankind, and any discoveries we can make in it, will be for the benefit of your’s and of every other nation as well as our own’.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Henry Dearborn, 1807) <blockquote>It has been pretended by some (and in England especially) that inventors have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions; & not merely for their own lives, but inheritable to their heirs. but while it is a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived from nature at all, it would be singular to admit a natural, and even an hereditary right to inventions. it is agreed by those who have seriously considered the subject, that no individual has, of natural right, a separate property in an acre of land, for instance. by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the progress of society. it would be curious then if an idea, the fugitive fermentation of an individual brain, could, of natural right, be claimed in exclusive and stable property. if nature has made any one thing less susceptible, than all others, of exclusive property, it is the action of the thinking power called an Idea; which an individual may exclusively possess as long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, it forces itself into the possession of every one, and the reciever cannot dispossess himself of it. it’s peculiar character too is that no one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole of it. he who recieves an idea from me, recieves instruction himself, without lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at mine, recieves light without darkening me. that ideas should freely spread from one to another over the globe, for the moral and mutual instruction of man, and improvement of his condition, seems to have been peculiarly and benvolently designed by nature, when she made them, like fire, expansible over all space, without lessening their density in any point; and like the air in which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable of confinement, or exclusive appropriation. inventions then cannot in nature be a subject of property. society may give an exclusive right to the profits arising from them as an encouragement to men to pursue ideas which may produce utility. but this may, or may not be done, according to the will and convenience of the society, without claim or complaint from any body.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) de2cbb96e5b40cc22feff6146b1d2ef04c2e12f6 87 70 2024-02-22T18:27:42Z Hurlebatte 2 Hurlebatte moved page [[Intellectual Property]] to [[Against Intellectual Property]] without leaving a redirect wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>Your Excellency that science expects to encounter obstacles. the field of knolege is the common property of all mankind, and any discoveries we can make in it, will be for the benefit of your’s and of every other nation as well as our own’.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Henry Dearborn, 1807) <blockquote>It has been pretended by some (and in England especially) that inventors have a natural and exclusive right to their inventions; & not merely for their own lives, but inheritable to their heirs. but while it is a moot question whether the origin of any kind of property is derived from nature at all, it would be singular to admit a natural, and even an hereditary right to inventions. it is agreed by those who have seriously considered the subject, that no individual has, of natural right, a separate property in an acre of land, for instance. by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is given late in the progress of society. it would be curious then if an idea, the fugitive fermentation of an individual brain, could, of natural right, be claimed in exclusive and stable property. if nature has made any one thing less susceptible, than all others, of exclusive property, it is the action of the thinking power called an Idea; which an individual may exclusively possess as long as he keeps it to himself; but the moment it is divulged, it forces itself into the possession of every one, and the reciever cannot dispossess himself of it. it’s peculiar character too is that no one possesses the less, because every other possesses the whole of it. he who recieves an idea from me, recieves instruction himself, without lessening mine; as he who lights his taper at mine, recieves light without darkening me. that ideas should freely spread from one to another over the globe, for the moral and mutual instruction of man, and improvement of his condition, seems to have been peculiarly and benvolently designed by nature, when she made them, like fire, expansible over all space, without lessening their density in any point; and like the air in which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable of confinement, or exclusive appropriation. inventions then cannot in nature be a subject of property. society may give an exclusive right to the profits arising from them as an encouragement to men to pursue ideas which may produce utility. but this may, or may not be done, according to the will and convenience of the society, without claim or complaint from any body.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) de2cbb96e5b40cc22feff6146b1d2ef04c2e12f6 0 12 71 31 2024-02-22T16:24:16Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Conscription]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>We doe not impower them to impresse or constrain any person to serve in war by Sea or Land every mans Conscience being to be satisfied in the justness of that cause wherein he hazards his own life, or may destroy an others.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 2a96d78b55a006b58066e125571c7c8f1f9bff69 85 71 2024-02-22T18:26:38Z Hurlebatte 2 Hurlebatte moved page [[Conscription]] to [[Against Conscription]] without leaving a redirect wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>We doe not impower them to impresse or constrain any person to serve in war by Sea or Land every mans Conscience being to be satisfied in the justness of that cause wherein he hazards his own life, or may destroy an others.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 2a96d78b55a006b58066e125571c7c8f1f9bff69 0 14 72 42 2024-02-22T16:24:19Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Vernacular Law]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That considering its a Badge of our slavery to a Norman Conqueror, to have our Laws in the French Tongue; and it is little lesse then brutish vassalage to be bound to walk by Laws which the people cannot know, that therefore all the Laws and Customs of this Realm be immediately written in our mother-Tongue without any abbreviations of words, and in the most known vulgar hand, viz. Roman or Secretary; and that Writs, Processes, and Enrolments be issued forth, entred, or inrolled in English, and such manner of writing as aforesaid.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 9081394f0a373a5a9cd3649c53db3afb00e00e9b 0 15 73 43 2024-02-22T16:24:22Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Equality Under the Law]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 99be6ee9890b6280f00cf1a92c8a9011c4153a44 93 73 2024-02-22T18:35:23Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) 81a54616b9c01f19838f4d9f5d1c1b5967c19491 0 9 74 41 2024-02-22T16:24:25Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Freedom of Speech]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I observe by the public papers that he has brought on a very disagreeable altercation with Mr. Jay, in which he has given to the character of the latter a colouring which does not belong to it. These altercations, little thought of in America, make a great impression here. In truth it is afflicting that a man who has past his life in serving the public, who has served them in every the highest stations with universal approbation, and with a purity of conduct which has silenced even party opprobrium, who tho’ poor has never permitted himself to make a shilling in the public employ, should yet be liable to have his peace of mind so much disturbed by any individual who shall think proper to arraign him in a newspaper. It is however an evil for which there is no remedy. Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost. To the sacrifice, of time, labor, fortune, a public servant must count upon adding that of peace of mind and even reputation. And all this is preferable to European bondage. He who doubts it need only be placed for one week on any part of the Continent of Europe.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Currie, 1786) <blockquote>And generally, as to the whole course of printing, as justly in our apprehensions, may Licensers be put over all publike or private Teachings, and Discourses, in Divine, Moral, Natural, Civil, or Political things, as over the Press; the liberty whereof appears so essential unto Freedom, as that without it, its impossible to preserve any Nation from being liable to the worst of bondage; for what may not be done, to that people who may not speak or write, but at the pleasure of Licensers?</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>IT shall not be in their Power, to punish or cause to be punished, any person or persons, for refusing to answer to Questions against themselves in criminal Cases.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 467134fb5df4280790cf7aed9df5cbe5712c9425 0 6 75 22 2024-02-22T16:24:28Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Free Trade]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>Whereas that burthensom Tax of the Excise lies heavie onely upon the poorer, and most ingenuous and industrious People, to their intolerable oppression; and that all persons of large Revenues in Lands, and vaste estates at usury, bear not the least proportionable weight of that burthen, whereby Trade decayes, and all ingenuity and industry is discouraged; That therefore that oppressive way of raising money may forthwith cease, and all moneys be raised by equall Rates, according to the proportion of mens estates.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 1ae706d58b46c1f4baf8973627bf9acc84d336e1 0 7 77 23 2024-02-22T16:24:33Z Hurlebatte 2 Protected "[[Megacorporations]]" ([Edit=Allow only administrators] (indefinite) [Move=Allow only administrators] (indefinite)) wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial by strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to George Logan, 1816) 32f970499e831ff0fa49d3be8545a733da14a2f1 0 17 78 2024-02-22T16:35:54Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10)" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10) b3e9cc910a2b6da1194e625ee1f0b1a14cbb4922 79 78 2024-02-22T16:41:44Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . . This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far ’tis good for us to recede from our natural liberty. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10) 1c3cf57dbbb2a532da0938981f822f5bc30c81dd 0 4 103 66 2024-02-23T01:54:01Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>Men can hardly at once foresee all that may happen in many ages, and the changes that accompany them ought to be provided for. Rome in its foundation was subject to these defects, and the inconveniences arising from them were by degrees discover’d and remedi’d. They did not think of regulating usury, till they saw the mischiefs proceeding from the cruelty of usurers; or setting limits to the proportion of land that one man might enjoy, till the avarice of a few had so far succeeded, that their riches were grown formidable, and many by the poverty to which they were reduced became useless to the city.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 2 section 13) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) fdf309038b35256ec25c5349bd2815360e8518a9 104 103 2024-02-23T01:55:31Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>Men can hardly at once foresee all that may happen in many ages, and the changes that accompany them ought to be provided for. Rome in its foundation was subject to these defects, and the inconveniences arising from them were by degrees discover’d and remedi’d. They did not think of regulating usury, till they saw the mischiefs proceeding from the cruelty of usurers; or setting limits to the proportion of land that one man might enjoy, till the avarice of a few had so far succeeded, that their riches were grown formidable, and many by the poverty to which they were reduced became useless to the city.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 2 section 13) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) 00063d77afd7ab21966bd54311faf070b35d4fad 124 104 2024-02-23T14:28:30Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>Men can hardly at once foresee all that may happen in many ages, and the changes that accompany them ought to be provided for. Rome in its foundation was subject to these defects, and the inconveniences arising from them were by degrees discover’d and remedi’d. They did not think of regulating usury, till they saw the mischiefs proceeding from the cruelty of usurers; or setting limits to the proportion of land that one man might enjoy, till the avarice of a few had so far succeeded, that their riches were grown formidable, and many by the poverty to which they were reduced became useless to the city.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 2 section 13) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) 69acdfb2623886d732f1e02990ac9f04d6e20e7e 0 1 105 102 2024-02-23T02:06:35Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] | [[Externalities]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 74f948e4f82e803d15e73f59908069918844ea2d 125 105 2024-02-23T14:46:00Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== [[Natural Rights]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Militias]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] | [[Externalities]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 1e984998a462a02e49f3816286b12fafb0fd138f 140 125 2024-02-23T16:14:57Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Common Land]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 03dc0dffdfcf20bc2696d811fa2f51378c1aec2f 141 140 2024-02-23T16:15:23Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] c4f97284b980723745948214ba0a7d5701ebd9ab 142 141 2024-02-23T16:15:51Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===CURRENT ISSUES=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] 2587b3b843c3c97817a814b4c7d2b9564783b2d3 143 142 2024-02-23T16:17:43Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===MY ADDITIONS=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] e6098d776c8e65681872eb10ccee53c29a5233b0 145 143 2024-02-23T16:19:34Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===MY ADDITIONS=== [[Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] c7ad13ea3e2e6bece13ddd4b34d8246d930f21d3 148 145 2024-02-23T16:20:35Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] | [[List of Works]] ===MY ADDITIONS=== [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] b53a8df40f51a7aedcb94d1478a2dfc3e706eee0 0 18 106 2024-02-23T02:09:03Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>The like may be said in relation to my house, land, or estate; I may do what I please with them, if I bring no damage upon others. But I must not set fire to my house, by which my neighbour’s house may be burnt. I may not erect forts upon my own lands, or deliver them to a foreign enemy, who may by that means infest my country. I may not cut the banks of the sea, or those of a river, lest my neighbour’s ground be overflown, because the society into which..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The like may be said in relation to my house, land, or estate; I may do what I please with them, if I bring no damage upon others. But I must not set fire to my house, by which my neighbour’s house may be burnt. I may not erect forts upon my own lands, or deliver them to a foreign enemy, who may by that means infest my country. I may not cut the banks of the sea, or those of a river, lest my neighbour’s ground be overflown, because the society into which I am incorporated, would by such means receive prejudice. My land is not simply my own, but upon condition that I shall not thereby bring damage upon the publick, by which I am protected in the peaceable enjoyment and innocent use of what I possess.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 3 section 41) 624efc56e3bf81d2b8d85f2f5b58334c11de63ab 0 12 107 85 2024-02-23T03:50:35Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the matter of impresting and constraining any of us to serve in the warres, is against our freedome; and therefore we do not allow it in our Representatives; the rather, because money (the sinews of war) being alwayes at their disposall, they can never want numbers of men, apt enough to engage in any just cause.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>We doe not impower them to impresse or constrain any person to serve in war by Sea or Land every mans Conscience being to be satisfied in the justness of that cause wherein he hazards his own life, or may destroy an others.</blockquote> —Leveller tract ad8d466fdfc1d179d245e16194c36218c92acd41 0 16 108 76 2024-02-23T04:07:31Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>RIME OF KING WILLIAM GOES HERE</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) ca98c8237f0ead8da720021741cfcef5b89bcee9 109 108 2024-02-23T04:15:12Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið Þ sƿa hƿa sƿa floge heort oððe hinde Þ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) e9b9922ded2864aeae5b08543e129a414a90081d 110 109 2024-02-23T04:20:14Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið Þ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde Þ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras / he set much deerfrith (animal preserve land) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 54ddd6cf8b26dc01c205086ec378fd8cfef093df 111 110 2024-02-23T04:20:29Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið Þ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde Þ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deerfrith (animal preserve land) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 7909e4d16d0adc91ba66a28ca4dc3d281192a20b 112 111 2024-02-23T04:21:50Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deerfrith (animal preserve land) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 1690f5d61c3c96007aa903f1ca3a4121479c563e 113 112 2024-02-23T04:23:17Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 41b30c9f818b4f5bb41263afde4bb91f33a203b9 114 113 2024-02-23T04:32:23Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate. <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 1048ab22074aa695862c47f2f6894d157e735276 115 114 2024-02-23T04:32:39Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) b478e9402daac7cc3fbc50490b6025f026bf9ec8 116 115 2024-02-23T04:33:02Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 88aea83b243e4840262efee3857e459c80e12350 117 116 2024-02-23T04:34:39Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that same man should be blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) d8704389c3120705c37886cd855307fbd65b262d 119 117 2024-02-23T12:53:44Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind that one should him blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 35d3a7a8d589983ee5789f46b57ea5ee0927f26d 120 119 2024-02-23T12:56:58Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that so who so slew hart or hind him one should blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 9e1660d2c410720d164d9c0a7310e59e26123c5d 121 120 2024-02-23T12:59:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that who so slew hart or hind him one should blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) 14963e0193673ba1c8ff00887ece9e85ca97383d 122 121 2024-02-23T13:00:06Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he [King William] set much deer frith (animal peace, as in animal preserves) & he laid laws therewith that who so slew hart or hind him one should blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) ece0650eb248149a2bde9e7f48a6b7bcf7d71ccc 123 122 2024-02-23T13:00:27Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki The Norman Yoke myth was an idea popular among whigs which held that the Anglo-Saxons had been much more free before the arrival of the Normans who brought their form of feudalism to Britain. The myth may be exaggerated and inaccurate, but I think there is some truth to it, as resentment towards royal forests and land enclosures is documented throughout multiple centuries, from the 12th (Rime of King William) to the 14th (Peasants' Revolt) to the 17th (Levellers and Diggers). <blockquote>he sætte mycel deor frið ⁊ he lægde laga þær ƿið ꝥ sƿa hƿa sƿa sloge heort oððe hinde ꝥ hine man sceolde blendian. he forbead þa heortas sƿylce eac þa baras</blockquote> <blockquote>he [King William] set much deer frith [animal preserves] & he laid laws therewith that who so slew hart or hind him one should blind. he forbade the harts and so with each of the boars</blockquote> —unknown (Bodleian Library MS. Laud Misc. 636, 65r) <blockquote>Wee cannot but expect to be delivered from the Norman bondage, whereof wee now as well as our Predecessours, have felt the smart by these bloody warres; and from all unreasonable lawes made ever since that unhappy conquest; as wee have encouragement, wee shall informe you further, and guide you, as we observe your doings.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The History of our Fore-fathers since they were Conquered by the Normans, doth manifest that this Nation hath been held in bondage all along ever since by the policies and force of the Officers of Trust in the Common-wealth, amongst whom, wee always esteemed Kings the chiefest: and what (in much of the formertime) was done by warre, and by impoverishing of the People, to make them slaves, and to hold them in bondage, our latter Princes have endeavoured to effect, by giving ease and wealth unto the People, but withall, corrupting their understanding, by infusing false Principles concerning Kings, and Government, and Parliaments, and Freedoms; and also using all meanes to corrupt and vitiate the manners of the youth, and strongest prop and support of the People, the Gentry.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>To which wee answere, that if Kings would prove themselves Lawfull Magistrates, they must prove themselves to be so, by a lawfull derivation of their Authority, which must be from the voluntary trust of the People, and then the case is the same with them, as between the People & you, they as you, being possessed of no more Power then what is in the People justly to intrust, and then all implications in the Writts, of the Establishment of Religion, sheweth that in that particular, as many other, we remain under the Norman yoke of an unlawfull Power, from which wee ought to free our selves; and which yee ought not to maintaine upon us, but to abrogate.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>King Alfred, upon whose laws Magna Charta was grounded, when he said the English nation was as free as the internal thoughts of a man. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 5) c651a77fff12420b4e3529e19f98c2ff71f5d72d 0 19 118 2024-02-23T04:35:58Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too f..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest. As for those defects which are many times observed in Juries, and some inconveniences which ensue in some cases under other fundamentall Constitutions; it is to be noted, that there is not perfection to be expected in any Government in this world, it being impossible for the wisest men that ever were to compose such Constitutions, as should in every case warrant a just event. Yet so carefull have our Forefathers been, that the Laws of England are as preventive of evill, and as effective for good, as any Laws in the world. And for Juries, whatever just complaint lies against them, it doth not relate to the Constitution itselfe, (which Kings have often attempted to destroy, as the main fortresse of the peoples liberty) but against such abuses, in the packing and framing of Juries, in their bypassing or over-awing, by the servile and partiall Officers about the Courts, by the Kings Sheriff, or under-Sheriff, and other, by-wayes, that others have found out; all which abuses are matters of just complaint, and require rectification, and ought not to be made use of as a ground of Innovation, or an argument against your fundamentall Constitution. Others there are, who finding the great importance of Juries to preserve the people’s Liberties, and that through the sense that the people have thereof, it will be but a vain thing to attempt the totall taking them away, have invented a stratagem that will render them instead of being a fountain of equall Justice to the people, the means only of advancing the rich, and an awe upon the middle and meaner sort of men, which they would do upon the common pretence of Prerogative, that onely men of estate and quality ought to be entrusted with the determination and decision of causes, and therefore have contrived that such only as are worth one hundred mark per annum, should be capable of being chosen Jury men, which if obtained, we cannot from thence but make these conclusions. 1. That the Fundamentall Constitution is thereby violated, which gives equall respect to all men, paying Scot and Lot in the places they inhabit. 2. By the same liberty they alter the Constitution in this particular at this time, they may at another time totally take it away. 3. That it is a policy agreeable to that of Kings, in reducing the power of Judgement into the hands of a few, and the rich, who may with much more ease be corrupted, then the generality: It being also a bringing of this Nation to the condition of the French, and making it consist only of Gentleman and Pesants.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 2bcf0e8fb83320a969911e740aa4e6f06b8dc90b 130 118 2024-02-23T15:29:26Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest. As for those defects which are many times observed in Juries, and some inconveniences which ensue in some cases under other fundamentall Constitutions; it is to be noted, that there is not perfection to be expected in any Government in this world, it being impossible for the wisest men that ever were to compose such Constitutions, as should in every case warrant a just event. Yet so carefull have our Forefathers been, that the Laws of England are as preventive of evill, and as effective for good, as any Laws in the world. And for Juries, whatever just complaint lies against them, it doth not relate to the Constitution itselfe, (which Kings have often attempted to destroy, as the main fortresse of the peoples liberty) but against such abuses, in the packing and framing of Juries, in their bypassing or over-awing, by the servile and partiall Officers about the Courts, by the Kings Sheriff, or under-Sheriff, and other, by-wayes, that others have found out; all which abuses are matters of just complaint, and require rectification, and ought not to be made use of as a ground of Innovation, or an argument against your fundamentall Constitution. Others there are, who finding the great importance of Juries to preserve the people’s Liberties, and that through the sense that the people have thereof, it will be but a vain thing to attempt the totall taking them away, have invented a stratagem that will render them instead of being a fountain of equall Justice to the people, the means only of advancing the rich, and an awe upon the middle and meaner sort of men, which they would do upon the common pretence of Prerogative, that onely men of estate and quality ought to be entrusted with the determination and decision of causes, and therefore have contrived that such only as are worth one hundred mark per annum, should be capable of being chosen Jury men, which if obtained, we cannot from thence but make these conclusions. 1. That the Fundamentall Constitution is thereby violated, which gives equall respect to all men, paying Scot and Lot in the places they inhabit. 2. By the same liberty they alter the Constitution in this particular at this time, they may at another time totally take it away. 3. That it is a policy agreeable to that of Kings, in reducing the power of Judgement into the hands of a few, and the rich, who may with much more ease be corrupted, then the generality: It being also a bringing of this Nation to the condition of the French, and making it consist only of Gentleman and Pesants.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That according to the old Law and custome of the Land, long before, and sometime after the Conquest, There may bee Courts of Judicature for the speedy tryall and determination of all causes, whether Criminall or Civill, erected and established in every Hundred, for the ease and benefit of the Subject, to be holden according to the old custome once or twice every moneth, for the ending of all causes Criminall and Civill whatsoever, which shall happen in the respective Hundreds. That the Freemen of England may have a sudden, quick and easie dispatch of their suits, and be eased also of their vexations and chargable travellings from all parts of the Kingdome, for processe and tryall of their suits unto Westminster Hall.</blockquote> —Leveller tract e32b23360363bf99493f6f2ee49e783629d4f14e 131 130 2024-02-23T15:31:41Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest. As for those defects which are many times observed in Juries, and some inconveniences which ensue in some cases under other fundamentall Constitutions; it is to be noted, that there is not perfection to be expected in any Government in this world, it being impossible for the wisest men that ever were to compose such Constitutions, as should in every case warrant a just event. Yet so carefull have our Forefathers been, that the Laws of England are as preventive of evill, and as effective for good, as any Laws in the world. And for Juries, whatever just complaint lies against them, it doth not relate to the Constitution itselfe, (which Kings have often attempted to destroy, as the main fortresse of the peoples liberty) but against such abuses, in the packing and framing of Juries, in their bypassing or over-awing, by the servile and partiall Officers about the Courts, by the Kings Sheriff, or under-Sheriff, and other, by-wayes, that others have found out; all which abuses are matters of just complaint, and require rectification, and ought not to be made use of as a ground of Innovation, or an argument against your fundamentall Constitution. Others there are, who finding the great importance of Juries to preserve the people’s Liberties, and that through the sense that the people have thereof, it will be but a vain thing to attempt the totall taking them away, have invented a stratagem that will render them instead of being a fountain of equall Justice to the people, the means only of advancing the rich, and an awe upon the middle and meaner sort of men, which they would do upon the common pretence of Prerogative, that onely men of estate and quality ought to be entrusted with the determination and decision of causes, and therefore have contrived that such only as are worth one hundred mark per annum, should be capable of being chosen Jury men, which if obtained, we cannot from thence but make these conclusions. 1. That the Fundamentall Constitution is thereby violated, which gives equall respect to all men, paying Scot and Lot in the places they inhabit. 2. By the same liberty they alter the Constitution in this particular at this time, they may at another time totally take it away. 3. That it is a policy agreeable to that of Kings, in reducing the power of Judgement into the hands of a few, and the rich, who may with much more ease be corrupted, then the generality: It being also a bringing of this Nation to the condition of the French, and making it consist only of Gentleman and Pesants.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That according to the old Law and custome of the Land, long before, and sometime after the Conquest, There may bee Courts of Judicature for the speedy tryall and determination of all causes, whether Criminall or Civill, erected and established in every Hundred, for the ease and benefit of the Subject, to be holden according to the old custome once or twice every moneth, for the ending of all causes Criminall and Civill whatsoever, which shall happen in the respective Hundreds. That the Freemen of England may have a sudden, quick and easie dispatch of their suits, and be eased also of their vexations and chargable travellings from all parts of the Kingdome, for processe and tryall of their suits unto Westminster Hall.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That Bale in no Case is to be denied, Tryals to be speedy, and tedious and hard Imprisonments no longer to be suffered.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That no Fees are to be taken by Gaolers of their prisoners.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That all proceedings in the law are to be free, without charges or Fees from the parties to the Officers.</blockquote> —Leveller tract a538e83427663a01badbd481a2c090c606ae6592 132 131 2024-02-23T15:32:20Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest. As for those defects which are many times observed in Juries, and some inconveniences which ensue in some cases under other fundamentall Constitutions; it is to be noted, that there is not perfection to be expected in any Government in this world, it being impossible for the wisest men that ever were to compose such Constitutions, as should in every case warrant a just event. Yet so carefull have our Forefathers been, that the Laws of England are as preventive of evill, and as effective for good, as any Laws in the world. And for Juries, whatever just complaint lies against them, it doth not relate to the Constitution itselfe, (which Kings have often attempted to destroy, as the main fortresse of the peoples liberty) but against such abuses, in the packing and framing of Juries, in their bypassing or over-awing, by the servile and partiall Officers about the Courts, by the Kings Sheriff, or under-Sheriff, and other, by-wayes, that others have found out; all which abuses are matters of just complaint, and require rectification, and ought not to be made use of as a ground of Innovation, or an argument against your fundamentall Constitution. Others there are, who finding the great importance of Juries to preserve the people’s Liberties, and that through the sense that the people have thereof, it will be but a vain thing to attempt the totall taking them away, have invented a stratagem that will render them instead of being a fountain of equall Justice to the people, the means only of advancing the rich, and an awe upon the middle and meaner sort of men, which they would do upon the common pretence of Prerogative, that onely men of estate and quality ought to be entrusted with the determination and decision of causes, and therefore have contrived that such only as are worth one hundred mark per annum, should be capable of being chosen Jury men, which if obtained, we cannot from thence but make these conclusions. 1. That the Fundamentall Constitution is thereby violated, which gives equall respect to all men, paying Scot and Lot in the places they inhabit. 2. By the same liberty they alter the Constitution in this particular at this time, they may at another time totally take it away. 3. That it is a policy agreeable to that of Kings, in reducing the power of Judgement into the hands of a few, and the rich, who may with much more ease be corrupted, then the generality: It being also a bringing of this Nation to the condition of the French, and making it consist only of Gentleman and Pesants.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That according to the old Law and custome of the Land, long before, and sometime after the Conquest, There may bee Courts of Judicature for the speedy tryall and determination of all causes, whether Criminall or Civill, erected and established in every Hundred, for the ease and benefit of the Subject, to be holden according to the old custome once or twice every moneth, for the ending of all causes Criminall and Civill whatsoever, which shall happen in the respective Hundreds. That the Freemen of England may have a sudden, quick and easie dispatch of their suits, and be eased also of their vexations and chargable travellings from all parts of the Kingdome, for processe and tryall of their suits unto Westminster Hall.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That Bale in no Case is to be denied, Tryals to be speedy, and tedious and hard Imprisonments no longer to be suffered. . . That no Fees are to be taken by Gaolers of their prisoners. . . That all proceedings in the law are to be free, without charges or Fees from the parties to the Officers.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 2bf7ae70143d2b258ff869097e9bc24c2f6f05d6 0 20 126 2024-02-23T14:48:48Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "George Buchanan - De jure regni apud Scotos (1579) Algernon Sidney - Discourses Concerning Government (1698) John Locke - Two Treatises of Government (1689) Montesquieu - The Spirit of Law (1748)" wikitext text/x-wiki George Buchanan - De jure regni apud Scotos (1579) Algernon Sidney - Discourses Concerning Government (1698) John Locke - Two Treatises of Government (1689) Montesquieu - The Spirit of Law (1748) a2c3fb614c09c23824dbea6bfd56845625188fc2 127 126 2024-02-23T14:50:10Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki George Buchanan - De jure regni apud Scotos (1579) Algernon Sidney - Discourses Concerning Government (1698) John Locke - Two Treatises of Government (1689) Charles Montesquieu - The Spirit of Law (1748) Thomas Paine - The Age of Reason (1794, 1795, 1807) Thomas Paine - Agrarian Justice (1797) 66a972735acdec537bc3e5a4cebbc5df4b44790d 128 127 2024-02-23T14:52:00Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki George Buchanan ᛭ De jure regni apud Scotos (1579) Algernon Sidney ᛭ Discourses Concerning Government (1698) John Locke ᛭ Two Treatises of Government (1689) Charles Montesquieu ᛭ The Spirit of Law (1748) Thomas Paine ᛭ The Age of Reason (1794, 1795, 1807) Thomas Paine ᛭ Agrarian Justice (1797) Jean-Jacques Rousseau ᛭ Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men (1755) Jean-Jacques Rousseau ᛭ The Social Contract (1762) b92f61ee10b3571bc98137fbf559514216887c30 129 128 2024-02-23T14:52:48Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki George Buchanan ᛭ De jure regni apud Scotos (1579) Algernon Sidney ᛭ Discourses Concerning Government (1698) John Locke ᛭ Two Treatises of Government (1689) Charles Montesquieu ᛭ The Spirit of Law (1748) Jean-Jacques Rousseau ᛭ Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men (1755) Jean-Jacques Rousseau ᛭ The Social Contract (1762) Thomas Paine ᛭ The Age of Reason (1794, 1795, 1807) Thomas Paine ᛭ Agrarian Justice (1797) ae85f1b238fbb1afcd9ea460b33e9e8926966fed 0 21 133 2024-02-23T15:32:27Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 09998777cae1acc5c44fd23eccffb6c9eee0a24f 134 133 2024-02-23T15:41:20Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It is, therefore, with the most evident propriety, that the plan of the convention proposes to empower the Union "to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, RESERVING TO THE STATES RESPECTIVELY THE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS, AND THE AUTHORITY OF TRAINING THE MILITIA ACCORDING TO THE DISCIPLINE PRESCRIBED BY CONGRESS.". . . There is something so far-fetched and so extravagant in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like the paradoxes of rhetoricians; as a disingenuous artifice to instil prejudices at any price; or as the serious offspring of political fanaticism. Where in the name of common-sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow-citizens? What shadow of danger can there be from men who are daily mingling with the rest of their countrymen and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits and interests? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the Union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary, while the particular States are to have the SOLE AND EXCLUSIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS? If it were possible seriously to indulge a jealousy of the militia upon any conceivable establishment under the federal government, the circumstance of the officers being in the appointment of the States ought at once to extinguish it. There can be no doubt that this circumstance will always secure to them a preponderating influence over the militia.</blockquote> —Alexander Hamilton (Federalist Papers: Concerning the Militia) eeda58ee850479d7b479e40e94b3aa50e5316a95 135 134 2024-02-23T15:41:26Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It is, therefore, with the most evident propriety, that the plan of the convention proposes to empower the Union "to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, RESERVING TO THE STATES RESPECTIVELY THE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS, AND THE AUTHORITY OF TRAINING THE MILITIA ACCORDING TO THE DISCIPLINE PRESCRIBED BY CONGRESS.". . . There is something so far-fetched and so extravagant in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like the paradoxes of rhetoricians; as a disingenuous artifice to instil prejudices at any price; or as the serious offspring of political fanaticism. Where in the name of common-sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow-citizens? What shadow of danger can there be from men who are daily mingling with the rest of their countrymen and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits and interests? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the Union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary, while the particular States are to have the SOLE AND EXCLUSIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS? If it were possible seriously to indulge a jealousy of the militia upon any conceivable establishment under the federal government, the circumstance of the officers being in the appointment of the States ought at once to extinguish it. There can be no doubt that this circumstance will always secure to them a preponderating influence over the militia.</blockquote> —Alexander Hamilton (Federalist Papers: Concerning the Militia) 9b99b09870d0040a6164e8c21893f25c0e1cb3ae 136 135 2024-02-23T15:42:12Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It is, therefore, with the most evident propriety, that the plan of the convention proposes to empower the Union "to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, RESERVING TO THE STATES RESPECTIVELY THE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS, AND THE AUTHORITY OF TRAINING THE MILITIA ACCORDING TO THE DISCIPLINE PRESCRIBED BY CONGRESS.". . . There is something so far-fetched and so extravagant in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like the paradoxes of rhetoricians; as a disingenuous artifice to instil prejudices at any price; or as the serious offspring of political fanaticism. Where in the name of common-sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow-citizens? What shadow of danger can there be from men who are daily mingling with the rest of their countrymen and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits and interests? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the Union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary, while the particular States are to have the SOLE AND EXCLUSIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS? If it were possible seriously to indulge a jealousy of the militia upon any conceivable establishment under the federal government, the circumstance of the officers being in the appointment of the States ought at once to extinguish it. There can be no doubt that this circumstance will always secure to them a preponderating influence over the militia.</blockquote> —Alexander Hamilton (Federalist Paper 29: Concerning the Militia) aaeeebe14732b69adad84fa4f28363e9c1a79773 137 136 2024-02-23T15:49:16Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It is, therefore, with the most evident propriety, that the plan of the convention proposes to empower the Union "to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, RESERVING TO THE STATES RESPECTIVELY THE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS, AND THE AUTHORITY OF TRAINING THE MILITIA ACCORDING TO THE DISCIPLINE PRESCRIBED BY CONGRESS.". . . There is something so far-fetched and so extravagant in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like the paradoxes of rhetoricians; as a disingenuous artifice to instil prejudices at any price; or as the serious offspring of political fanaticism. Where in the name of common-sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow-citizens? What shadow of danger can there be from men who are daily mingling with the rest of their countrymen and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits and interests? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the Union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary, while the particular States are to have the SOLE AND EXCLUSIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS? If it were possible seriously to indulge a jealousy of the militia upon any conceivable establishment under the federal government, the circumstance of the officers being in the appointment of the States ought at once to extinguish it. There can be no doubt that this circumstance will always secure to them a preponderating influence over the militia.</blockquote> —Alexander Hamilton (Federalist Paper 29: Concerning the Militia) <blockquote>To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;</blockquote> —various (The Constitution of the United States) 2b70a87f5dd2525c79789619bfbe592a38f811ec 138 137 2024-02-23T15:53:30Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It is, therefore, with the most evident propriety, that the plan of the convention proposes to empower the Union "to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, RESERVING TO THE STATES RESPECTIVELY THE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS, AND THE AUTHORITY OF TRAINING THE MILITIA ACCORDING TO THE DISCIPLINE PRESCRIBED BY CONGRESS.". . . There is something so far-fetched and so extravagant in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery; whether to consider it as a mere trial of skill, like the paradoxes of rhetoricians; as a disingenuous artifice to instil prejudices at any price; or as the serious offspring of political fanaticism. Where in the name of common-sense, are our fears to end if we may not trust our sons, our brothers, our neighbors, our fellow-citizens? What shadow of danger can there be from men who are daily mingling with the rest of their countrymen and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits and interests? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the Union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary, while the particular States are to have the SOLE AND EXCLUSIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS? If it were possible seriously to indulge a jealousy of the militia upon any conceivable establishment under the federal government, the circumstance of the officers being in the appointment of the States ought at once to extinguish it. There can be no doubt that this circumstance will always secure to them a preponderating influence over the militia.</blockquote> —Alexander Hamilton (Federalist Paper 29: Concerning the Militia) <blockquote>To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. . . A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.</blockquote> —various (The Constitution of the United States) 6d9ec8b72e9cdbcf431c6ed1b6ebbedbf287eb9b 139 138 2024-02-23T15:54:11Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That the Militia is to be in the Power of the several Counties, and the persons intrusted therewith, elected by the people from time to time.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>It is, therefore, with the most evident propriety, that the plan of the convention proposes to empower the Union "to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, RESERVING TO THE STATES RESPECTIVELY THE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS, AND THE AUTHORITY OF TRAINING THE MILITIA ACCORDING TO THE DISCIPLINE PRESCRIBED BY CONGRESS.". . . There is something so far-fetched and so extravagant in the idea of danger to liberty from the militia, that one is at a loss whether to treat it with gravity or with raillery. . . What shadow of danger can there be from men who are daily mingling with the rest of their countrymen and who participate with them in the same feelings, sentiments, habits and interests? What reasonable cause of apprehension can be inferred from a power in the Union to prescribe regulations for the militia, and to command its services when necessary, while the particular States are to have the SOLE AND EXCLUSIVE APPOINTMENT OF THE OFFICERS?</blockquote> —Alexander Hamilton (Federalist Paper 29: Concerning the Militia) <blockquote>To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. . . A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.</blockquote> —various (The Constitution of the United States) 3231be4b3a61aa62711cb34fd678bf513f613439 0 22 144 2024-02-23T16:19:02Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "The point of a republic with elected representatives, as opposed to a pure democracy where the citizens are themselves lawmakers, is to have a check on the ignorance and passions of the citizenry. In a legislature, if an upper house is needed to check the ignorance and passions of a lower house, then that lower house fails in its purpose and should not exist. The supposed purpose of bicameralism is self-defeating, because if the members of the upper house are so much wis..." wikitext text/x-wiki The point of a republic with elected representatives, as opposed to a pure democracy where the citizens are themselves lawmakers, is to have a check on the ignorance and passions of the citizenry. In a legislature, if an upper house is needed to check the ignorance and passions of a lower house, then that lower house fails in its purpose and should not exist. The supposed purpose of bicameralism is self-defeating, because if the members of the upper house are so much wiser and more competent than the members of the lower house, then why not simply abolish the lower house and rely only on the legislators who successfully perform the function of checking ignorance and passion? I think the real purpose of upper houses is not to check ignorance or passion, but to give the upper classes a check on the lower classes. The Scandinavian countries have proven that unicameralism has no inherent, fatal flaws. I propose we abolish the upper houses of all legislatures in the United States and move their members to the remaining houses. 329767b2cc3c57f1ffa4d38d3251b9c75c5ea917 0 23 146 2024-02-23T16:19:45Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "Having a single person appear to the public as the most important or authoritative member of government seems to be inherently dangerous to a republic. Executive authority should be split into at least two equal offices with some kind of tiebreaking mechanic. Maybe a three-member executive would be preferable, as it would have a tiebreaker built into it. In any case, these executive officials should probably be elected on the same ticket, similar to the current president..." wikitext text/x-wiki Having a single person appear to the public as the most important or authoritative member of government seems to be inherently dangerous to a republic. Executive authority should be split into at least two equal offices with some kind of tiebreaking mechanic. Maybe a three-member executive would be preferable, as it would have a tiebreaker built into it. In any case, these executive officials should probably be elected on the same ticket, similar to the current president & vice president system. I do not propose having a composite federal executive made up of the state governors because the executive branch is supposed to be fast and united in purpose 265c12303d81b43821fb036f7249624c5c82540d 147 146 2024-02-23T16:20:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Having a single person appear to the public as the most important or authoritative member of government seems to be inherently dangerous to a republic. Executive authority should be split into at least two equal offices with some kind of tiebreaking mechanic. Maybe a three-member executive would be preferable, as it would have a tiebreaker built into it. In any case, these executive officials should probably be elected on the same ticket, similar to the current president & vice president system. 01f4c3a063a2d3382b697504760e1b1d429b536c 0 7 149 77 2024-02-23T16:25:55Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial by strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to George Logan, 1816) Since corporations seem to become more dangerous the bigger they get, I propose that corrupt behavior, especially the kind that threatens democracy, should be punished in proportion to the size of a corporation. Where a small proprietorship might be fined $1,000, a megacorporation might be forced to split up. a1f3333af51ab13c30b7e0e08d6c07016fe4c9f6 150 149 2024-02-23T16:27:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial by strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to George Logan, 1816) Since corporations seem to become more dangerous the bigger they get, I propose that corrupt behavior, especially the kind that threatens democracy, should be punished in proportion to the size of a corporation. Where a small proprietorship might be fined $10,000 for a crime, a megacorporation might be forced to split up. b67d2482010efb81a7fb8ec5793b6097c73590aa 0 24 151 2024-02-23T16:29:01Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "In the long run, aligning with tyrannical governments hurts our nation because it props up governments and ideas that are ultimately hostile to our system, and because it makes us hypocrites and lowers our standing in the world." wikitext text/x-wiki In the long run, aligning with tyrannical governments hurts our nation because it props up governments and ideas that are ultimately hostile to our system, and because it makes us hypocrites and lowers our standing in the world. f4d99b9f93288cd6bc334ca7838bc400e7b0785b 0 25 152 2024-02-23T16:32:52Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "Since governments will be biased against whistleblowers who reveal their secrets, the citizenry is better equipped to decide if a whistleblower has truly served the people or not. If over half of a nation's adult citizens want the same whistleblower to be pardoned, there should be a mechanism they can use to do so." wikitext text/x-wiki Since governments will be biased against whistleblowers who reveal their secrets, the citizenry is better equipped to decide if a whistleblower has truly served the people or not. If over half of a nation's adult citizens want the same whistleblower to be pardoned, there should be a mechanism they can use to do so. 7d76bb6a73ab9de294580ed30dd3366efc3cf161 0 1 153 148 2024-02-23T16:35:08Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== Events: [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] People & Places: [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] Misc: [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] ===MY ADDITIONS=== [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] cb6713e6727d56a8214cef008a1ee0e94edcb475 154 153 2024-02-23T16:35:22Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. ===DOCTRINE=== '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] ===HISTORY=== '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] ===MY ADDITIONS=== [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] 35f8e8abb5fbf6a1d33dbd0b0c71841c1f5f3f1f 155 154 2024-02-23T16:38:01Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism has roots in, and took inspiration from, many things, including: Roman republicanism; Greek democracy; resentment of lords and enclosures of the commons; the egalitarian teachings of Jesus; enlightenment philosophy; egalitarian elements of indigenous American societies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] 77cca30a844bc7411bade695890501894c190a2e 156 155 2024-02-23T16:38:22Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] a974cae282b8511e9f0d4d6515dd53ca7dc3a5a3 157 156 2024-02-23T17:05:32Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] | [[Citizen-to-Legislator Ratio]] a9da148205ba9f6a694ab4fb89202d27c62c84f6 159 157 2024-02-23T17:12:13Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality Under the Law]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] | [[Citizen-to-Legislator Ratio]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] 7b7041447c878549c11b162e71411a3efeae1216 160 159 2024-02-23T17:19:43Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Equality & Autonomy]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] | [[Citizen-to-Legislator Ratio]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] dec540a69aee0bafc8ecd0b6527a95f8fb491ec7 163 160 2024-02-23T17:21:50Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Equality & Autonomy]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] | [[Citizen-to-Legislator Ratio]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] 6fe961837a74453d984d2d4d665e5423033c9a27 164 163 2024-02-23T17:40:02Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Equality & Autonomy]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] | [[Citizen-to-Legislator Ratio]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[List of Individuals]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] 919676bab3d00214581fde35c6eaa699f69035e0 171 164 2024-02-23T18:08:59Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki Whiggism is a political and moral philosophy that arose in 17th century Britain characterised by its emphasis on representative government, natural rights, and equality. It can be categorised as a kind of classical liberalism with particular traits shaped by the history of Britain and its colonies. Whiggism was never codified, and the opinions of whigs varied; the ideology presented here is an amalgamation of what I consider to be the best and most ideologically consistent principles and trains of thought from key figures like John Lilburne, Algernon Sidney, John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, Benjamin Franklin, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson. '''<big>DOCTRINE</big>''' '''Foundational''': [[Natural Rights]] | [[Equality & Autonomy]] | [[Freedom of Speech]] | [[Consent of the Governed]] | [[General Will]] | [[Common Land]] '''Structure of Government''': [[Constitutionalism]] | [[Separation of Powers]] | [[Checks & Balances]] | [[Secularism]] | [[Militias]] | [[Citizen-to-Legislator Ratio]] '''Policies''': [[Free Trade]] | [[Castle Doctrine]] | [[Vernacular Law]] | [[Fair Trials]] | [[Imprisonment]] | [[Externalities]] | [[Against Conscription]] | [[Against Intellectual Property]] | [[Respect for Foreigners' Rights]] '''<big>HISTORY</big>''' '''Events''': [[Peasants' Revolt]] | [[Kett's Rebellion]] | [[Glorious Revolution]] | [[American Revolution]] | [[Anti-Rent War]] '''People & Places''': [[List of Individuals]] | [[Levellers]] | [[Whiggamores]] | [[Parliamentarians]] | [[Green Ribbon Club]] '''Misc''': [[Norman Yoke]] | [[Good Old Cause]] | [[List of Works]] '''<big>MY ADDITIONS</big>''' [[Against Alliances with Tyrannical Governments]] | [[Megacorporations]] | [[Whistleblowers]] | [[Unicameralism]] | [[Against Heads of State]] f3b5ebafc960931c050f4c4310511a5a29249d2d 0 26 158 2024-02-23T17:09:45Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>The number of the representatives (being only one for every 30,000 inhabitants) appears to be too few, either to communicate the requisite information of the wants, local circumstances and sentiments of so extensive an empire, or to prevent corruption and undue influence, in the exercise of such great powers. . .</blockquote> —Centinel (Antifederalist Paper 47: "BALANCE" OF DEPARTMENTS NOT ACHIEVED UNDER NEW CONSTITUTION)" wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The number of the representatives (being only one for every 30,000 inhabitants) appears to be too few, either to communicate the requisite information of the wants, local circumstances and sentiments of so extensive an empire, or to prevent corruption and undue influence, in the exercise of such great powers. . .</blockquote> —Centinel (Antifederalist Paper 47: "BALANCE" OF DEPARTMENTS NOT ACHIEVED UNDER NEW CONSTITUTION) c1c7ffab43af4f0951232f433e86c5b458946dda 0 15 161 93 2024-02-23T17:20:03Z Hurlebatte 2 Hurlebatte moved page [[Equality Under the Law]] to [[Equality & Autonomy]] without leaving a redirect wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) 81a54616b9c01f19838f4d9f5d1c1b5967c19491 162 161 2024-02-23T17:21:17Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>This common liberty results from the nature of man. His first law is to provide for his own preservation, his first cares are those which he owes to himself; and, as soon as he reaches years of discretion, he is the sole judge of the proper means of preserving himself, and consequently becomes his own master.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 2) 3941964f5f14646e2594fd538f71bd776c48fb4d 166 162 2024-02-23T18:01:37Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>That in all Laws made, or to be made, every person may be bound alike, and that no Tenure, Estate, Charter, Degree, Birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the ordinary Course of Legall proceedings, whereunto others are subjected.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The first of which was Adam, a male, or man, made out of the dust or clay; out of whose side was taken a rib, which by the sovereign and absolute mighty creating power of God was made a female or woman called Eve: which two are the earthly, original fountain, as begetters and bringers-forth of all and every particular and individual man and woman that ever breathed in the world since; who are, and were by nature all equal and alike in power, dignity, authority, and majesty — none of them having (by nature) any authority, dominion or magisterial power, one over or above another.</blockquote> —John Lilburne (The Freeman's Freedom Vindicated) <blockquote>This common liberty results from the nature of man. His first law is to provide for his own preservation, his first cares are those which he owes to himself; and, as soon as he reaches years of discretion, he is the sole judge of the proper means of preserving himself, and consequently becomes his own master.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 2) <blockquote>SINCE no man has a natural authority over his fellow, and force creates no right, we must conclude that conventions form the basis of all legitimate authority among men.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 4) 5e8a3edebd97c9cff16947fc6f0853ad8698764c 0 27 165 2024-02-23T17:41:18Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) John Lilburne Algernon Sidney John Locke Charles Montesquieu Benjamin Franklin Jean-Jacques Rousseau Thomas Paine Thomas Jefferson" wikitext text/x-wiki Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) John Lilburne Algernon Sidney John Locke Charles Montesquieu Benjamin Franklin Jean-Jacques Rousseau Thomas Paine Thomas Jefferson dcf240cd6c1f6ace7a805ddcf972114e0eac8128 0 8 167 80 2024-02-23T18:05:33Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647) <blockquote>Tho the Schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: They could not but see that which all men saw, nor lay more approved foundations, than, that man is naturally free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good, which he proposes to himself.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 2) <blockquote>’Tis hard to comprehend how one man can come to be master of many, equal to himself in right, unless it be by consent or by force. If by consent, we are at an end of our controversies: Governments, and the magistrates that execute them, are created by man. They who give a being to them, cannot but have a right of regulating, limiting and directing them as best pleaseth themselves</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 11) Even if each man could alienate himself, he could not alienate his children: they are born men and free; their liberty belongs to them, and no one but they has the right to dispose of it. Before they come to years of discretion, the father can, in their name, lay down conditions for their preservation and well-being, but he cannot give them irrevocably and without conditions: such a gift is contrary to the ends of nature, and exceeds the rights of paternity. It would therefore be necessary, in order to legitimise an arbitrary government, that in every generation the people should be in a position to accept or reject it; but, were this so, the government would be no longer arbitrary. —Algernon Sidney (The Social Contract, book 1 section 4) 8e6bc04d19bcbcdc500da74d4648ffb5e7fbe407 168 167 2024-02-23T18:05:46Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I think that the poorest he that is in England has a life to live as the greatest he; and therefore truly, sir, I think it's clear that every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government; and I do think that the poorest man in England is not at all bound in a strict sense to that government that he has not had a voice to put himself under.</blockquote> —Thomas Rainsborough (1647) <blockquote>Tho the Schoolmen were corrupt, they were neither stupid nor unlearned: They could not but see that which all men saw, nor lay more approved foundations, than, that man is naturally free; that he cannot justly be deprived of that liberty without cause, and that he doth not resign it, or any part of it, unless it be in consideration of a greater good, which he proposes to himself.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 2) <blockquote>’Tis hard to comprehend how one man can come to be master of many, equal to himself in right, unless it be by consent or by force. If by consent, we are at an end of our controversies: Governments, and the magistrates that execute them, are created by man. They who give a being to them, cannot but have a right of regulating, limiting and directing them as best pleaseth themselves</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 11) <blockquote>Even if each man could alienate himself, he could not alienate his children: they are born men and free; their liberty belongs to them, and no one but they has the right to dispose of it. Before they come to years of discretion, the father can, in their name, lay down conditions for their preservation and well-being, but he cannot give them irrevocably and without conditions: such a gift is contrary to the ends of nature, and exceeds the rights of paternity. It would therefore be necessary, in order to legitimise an arbitrary government, that in every generation the people should be in a position to accept or reject it; but, were this so, the government would be no longer arbitrary.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (The Social Contract, book 1 section 4) 460008370de9812c25296d5ad57c2ae8f2fe50f5 0 10 169 92 2024-02-23T18:06:07Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>With this we also end the ancient disputes concerning the participation of animals in natural law. For it is clear that, lacking enlightenment and liberty, they cannot recognize this law. But because in some things they share our nature through the sensitivity with which they are endowed, we judge that they should also share in natural right and that man is subject to some kind of duties towards them. It seems, in fact, that if I am obliged not to do any harm to my fellow man, that is not so much because he is a reasonable being but because he is a sentient creature, a quality which, being common to animals and man, should at least confer on one the right not be mistreated for no purpose by the other.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, preface) <blockquote>That seeing, as we daily do, the goodness of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men to practise the same toward each other; and, consequently, that everything of persecution and revenge between man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a violation of moral duty.</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (The Age of Reason, part 1 section 15) <blockquote>When about 16 Years of Age, I happen’d to meet with a Book, written by one Tryon, recommending a Vegetable Diet. I determined to go into it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, section 9) <blockquote>39. Refrain at all times such Foods as cannot be procured without violence and oppression. 40. For know, that all the inferior Creatures when hurt, do cry and send forth their Complaints to their Maker, or grand Fountain whence they proceeded.</blockquote> —Thomas Tryon (Wisdom's Dictates, page 6) <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) 20b8019821fe5b8656479e01954f4141eb5a142a 0 4 170 124 2024-02-23T18:06:38Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Charles Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>Men can hardly at once foresee all that may happen in many ages, and the changes that accompany them ought to be provided for. Rome in its foundation was subject to these defects, and the inconveniences arising from them were by degrees discover’d and remedi’d. They did not think of regulating usury, till they saw the mischiefs proceeding from the cruelty of usurers; or setting limits to the proportion of land that one man might enjoy, till the avarice of a few had so far succeeded, that their riches were grown formidable, and many by the poverty to which they were reduced became useless to the city.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 2 section 13) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) fd7f02581faee4b84d80bc36e5b75d5c8f4a8072 177 170 2024-02-23T18:33:32Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour & live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. If we do not the fundamental right to labour the earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet in our country to say that every man who can not find employment but who can find uncultivated land, shall be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent. But it is not too soon to provide by every possible means that as few as possible shall be without a little portion of land. The small landholders are the most precious part of a state.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1785) <blockquote>. . . by an universal law indeed, whatever, whether fixed or moveable, belongs to all men equally and in common, is the property, for the moment, of him who occupies it; but when he relinquishes the occupation the property goes with it. stable ownership is the gift of social law. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to Isaac McPherson, 1813) <blockquote>It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural, uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the common property of the human race. In that state every man would have been born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with rest in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable and animal. . . There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did the Creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that improvement was made. . . I advocate the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the part which is his. Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, and not a charity, that I am pleading for. . .</blockquote> —Thomas Paine (Agrarian Justice) <blockquote>The law which prohibited people's having two inheritances was extremely well adapted for a democracy. It derived its origin from the equal distribution of lands and portions made to each citizen. The law would not permit a single man to possess more than a single portion. . . It is not sufficient in a well regulated democracy that the divisions of land be equal; they ought also to be small, as was customary among the Romans. "God forbid, said Curius to his soldiers, that a citizen should look upon that as a small piece of land, which is sufficient to support a man."</blockquote> —Charles Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, book 5) <blockquote>All Property indeed, except the Savage’s temporary Cabin, his Bow, his Matchcoat, and other little Acquisitions absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to be the Creature of public Convention. Hence the Public has the Right of Regulating Descents & all other Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the Quantity & the Uses of it. All the Property that is necessary to a Man for the Conservation of the Individual & the Propagation of the Species, is his natural Right which none can justly deprive him of: But all Property superfluous to such purposes is the Property of the Publick, who by their Laws have created it, and who may therefore by other Laws dispose of it, whenever the Welfare of the Publick shall demand such Disposition. He that does not like civil Society on these Terms, let him retire & live among Savages.— He can have no right to the Benefits of Society who will not pay his Club towards the Support of it.</blockquote> —Benjamin Franklin (a letter to Robert Morris, 1783) <blockquote>The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars, and murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and crying to his fellows: Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Discouse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men, part 2) <blockquote>The like continued amongst Jacob’s sons; no jurisdiction was given to one above the rest: an equal division of land was made amongst them: Their judges and magistrates were of several tribes and families, without any other preference of one before another, than what did arise from the advantages God had given to any particular person. This I take to be a proof of the utmost extent and certainty, that the equality amongst mankind was then perfect. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 12) <blockquote>Men can hardly at once foresee all that may happen in many ages, and the changes that accompany them ought to be provided for. Rome in its foundation was subject to these defects, and the inconveniences arising from them were by degrees discover’d and remedi’d. They did not think of regulating usury, till they saw the mischiefs proceeding from the cruelty of usurers; or setting limits to the proportion of land that one man might enjoy, till the avarice of a few had so far succeeded, that their riches were grown formidable, and many by the poverty to which they were reduced became useless to the city.</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 2 section 13) <blockquote>As soon as the land of any country has all become private property, the landlords, like all other men, love to reap where they never sowed, and demand a rent even for its natural produce.</blockquote> —Adam Smith (The Wealth of Nations, book 1 chapter 6) <blockquote>That the too long continued shame of this Nation, viz. permission of any to suffer such poverty as to beg their bread, may be forthwith effectually remedied; and to that purpose, that the poor be enabled to chuse their Trustees to discover all Stocks, Houses, Lands, &c. which of right belong to them and their use, that they may speedily receive the benefit thereof, and that some good improvement may be made of waste Grounds for their use. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That the right of the Poor, in their Commons, may be preserved, and freed from the Usurpations, Enclosures, and Encroachments of all manner of Projectors, Undertakers, &c. and that all servile Tenures of Lands, as by Copy-holds, or the like, be abolished and holden for naught.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. . . As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. . . But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. . . Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.</blockquote> —John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, book 2 chapter 5) <blockquote>In general, to establish the right of the first occupier over a plot of ground, the following conditions are necessary: first, the land must not yet be inhabited; secondly, a man must occupy only the amount he needs for his subsistence; and, in the third place, possession must be taken, not by an empty ceremony, but by labour and cultivation, the only sign of proprietorship that should be respected by others, in default of a legal title.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 9) <blockquote>It gives me Pain my Lord! to observe that the prevailing monopoly of Lands in this Colony has become a Grievance to the lower Class of People in it; and confines the Bounty of our gracious Sovereign to mercenary Land-Jobbers, and Gentlemen who have already shared very largely in the royal Munificence.</blockquote> —John Jay (a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1773) a7d81ecd496a0db17664d12314fd84b7bebc91e2 0 28 172 2024-02-23T18:12:19Z Hurlebatte 2 Created page with "<blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) <blockquote>Even in real war, a just prince, while laying hands, in the enemy's country, on all that belongs to the public, respects the lives and goods of individuals: he respects rights on which his own are f..." wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>What is true of every member of the society individually, is true of them all collectively, since the rights of the whole can be no more than the sum of the rights of the individuals.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson (a letter to James Madison, 1789) <blockquote>Even in real war, a just prince, while laying hands, in the enemy's country, on all that belongs to the public, respects the lives and goods of individuals: he respects rights on which his own are founded.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 4) <blockquote>The Indians being the prior occupants possess the right of the Soil—It cannot be taken from them unless by their free consent, or by the right of Conquest in case of a just War—To dispossess them on any other principle would be a gross violation of the fundamental Laws of Nature and of that destributive justice which is the glory of a nation.</blockquote> —Henry Knox (a letter to George Washington, 1789) 25fdc2365c50e542e832c77a2fbfd6649faab41a 0 17 173 79 2024-02-23T18:16:34Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . . This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far ’tis good for us to recede from our natural liberty. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10) for, if the individuals retained certain rights, as there would be no common superior to decide between them and the public, each, being on one point his own judge, would ask to be so on all; the state of nature would thus continue, and the association would necessarily become inoperative or tyrannical. —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 5) d69b676d5d99bd999a12b0ee0081531abcea8749 174 173 2024-02-23T18:16:46Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . . This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far ’tis good for us to recede from our natural liberty. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10) <blockquote>. . . for, if the individuals retained certain rights, as there would be no common superior to decide between them and the public, each, being on one point his own judge, would ask to be so on all; the state of nature would thus continue, and the association would necessarily become inoperative or tyrannical.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 5) a4f5ab74204813c3518dbb9a2f1808534ae63a8b 175 174 2024-02-23T18:18:41Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . . This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far ’tis good for us to recede from our natural liberty. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10) <blockquote>. . . for, if the individuals retained certain rights, as there would be no common superior to decide between them and the public, each, being on one point his own judge, would ask to be so on all; the state of nature would thus continue, and the association would necessarily become inoperative or tyrannical.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 5) <blockquote>If then we discard from the social compact what is not of its essence, we shall find that it reduces itself to the following terms: "Each of us puts his person and all his power in common under the supreme direction of the general will, and, in our corporate capacity, we receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole." At once, in place of the individual personality of each contracting party, this act of association creates a moral and collective body, composed of as many members as the assembly contains votes, and receiving from this act its unity, its common identity, its life and its will. This public person, so formed by the union of all other persons formerly took the name of city,4 and now takes that of Republic or body politic; it is called by its members State when passive. Sovereign when active, and Power when compared with others like itself. Those who are associated in it take collectively the name of people, and severally are called citizens, as sharing in the sovereign power, and subjects, as being under the laws of the State. But these terms are often confused and taken one for another: it is enough to know how to distinguish them when they are being used with precision.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 5) 40fe451c7d33ec799a89fd52ce8a1e6f68680438 176 175 2024-02-23T18:19:20Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The liberty of one is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments. . . This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far ’tis good for us to recede from our natural liberty. . .</blockquote> —Algernon Sidney (Discouses Concerning Government, chapter 1 section 10) <blockquote>. . . for, if the individuals retained certain rights, as there would be no common superior to decide between them and the public, each, being on one point his own judge, would ask to be so on all; the state of nature would thus continue, and the association would necessarily become inoperative or tyrannical.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 5) <blockquote>If then we discard from the social compact what is not of its essence, we shall find that it reduces itself to the following terms: <br> "Each of us puts his person and all his power in common under the supreme direction of the general will, and, in our corporate capacity, we receive each member as an indivisible part of the whole." <br> At once, in place of the individual personality of each contracting party, this act of association creates a moral and collective body, composed of as many members as the assembly contains votes, and receiving from this act its unity, its common identity, its life and its will. This public person, so formed by the union of all other persons formerly took the name of city,4 and now takes that of Republic or body politic; it is called by its members State when passive. Sovereign when active, and Power when compared with others like itself. Those who are associated in it take collectively the name of people, and severally are called citizens, as sharing in the sovereign power, and subjects, as being under the laws of the State. But these terms are often confused and taken one for another: it is enough to know how to distinguish them when they are being used with precision.</blockquote> —Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, book 1 section 5) 8257f9ea9c8a40e0fcaaefa2c40226fd1850fc92 0 5 178 68 2024-02-23T18:37:22Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods, or no god. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.</blockquote> —Thomas Jefferson <blockquote>That no person be disabled from bearing any Office in the Common-Wealth, for any opinion or practise in Religion, though contrary to the publique way.</blockquote> —William Walwyn (No Papist Nor Presbyterian) <blockquote>. . . it is the duty of Governing Powers, to compel men to this part of Religion, that is, to the outward acts of Justice and Mercy; for the inward truth of mens Religion, even in these, is beyond the Mastgistrates Power of Judgement.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That we do not impower or entrust our said representatives to continue in force, or to make any Lawes, Oaths, or Covenants, whereby to compell by penalties or otherwise any person to any thing in or about matters of faith, Religion or Gods worship or to restrain any person from the profession of his faith, or exercise of Religion according to his Conscience, nothing having caused more distractions, and heart burnings in all ages, then persecution and molestation for matters of Conscience in and about Religion. . .</blockquote> —Leveller tract f03909359eed24810bdc1431c36336892ca98a9f 0 19 179 132 2024-02-24T00:15:04Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>All causes by the fundamentall Laws being to be decided and finally ended, past all appeal, in the Hundreds, or County Courts, where parties reside, or where the complaint is made by Juries, without more charge or time then is necessary, so that untill the Norman Conquest, the Nation never knew or felt the charge, trouble, or intanglements of Judges, Lawyers, Attorneys, Solicitors, Filors, and the rest of that sort of men, which get great estates by the too frequent ruines of industrious people, which is another mark to know that all such are not of fundamentall institution, but Regall, and erected for the increase and defence of that interest. As for those defects which are many times observed in Juries, and some inconveniences which ensue in some cases under other fundamentall Constitutions; it is to be noted, that there is not perfection to be expected in any Government in this world, it being impossible for the wisest men that ever were to compose such Constitutions, as should in every case warrant a just event. Yet so carefull have our Forefathers been, that the Laws of England are as preventive of evill, and as effective for good, as any Laws in the world. And for Juries, whatever just complaint lies against them, it doth not relate to the Constitution itselfe, (which Kings have often attempted to destroy, as the main fortresse of the peoples liberty) but against such abuses, in the packing and framing of Juries, in their bypassing or over-awing, by the servile and partiall Officers about the Courts, by the Kings Sheriff, or under-Sheriff, and other, by-wayes, that others have found out; all which abuses are matters of just complaint, and require rectification, and ought not to be made use of as a ground of Innovation, or an argument against your fundamentall Constitution. Others there are, who finding the great importance of Juries to preserve the people’s Liberties, and that through the sense that the people have thereof, it will be but a vain thing to attempt the totall taking them away, have invented a stratagem that will render them instead of being a fountain of equall Justice to the people, the means only of advancing the rich, and an awe upon the middle and meaner sort of men, which they would do upon the common pretence of Prerogative, that onely men of estate and quality ought to be entrusted with the determination and decision of causes, and therefore have contrived that such only as are worth one hundred mark per annum, should be capable of being chosen Jury men, which if obtained, we cannot from thence but make these conclusions. 1. That the Fundamentall Constitution is thereby violated, which gives equall respect to all men, paying Scot and Lot in the places they inhabit. 2. By the same liberty they alter the Constitution in this particular at this time, they may at another time totally take it away. 3. That it is a policy agreeable to that of Kings, in reducing the power of Judgement into the hands of a few, and the rich, who may with much more ease be corrupted, then the generality: It being also a bringing of this Nation to the condition of the French, and making it consist only of Gentleman and Pesants.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That according to the old Law and custome of the Land, long before, and sometime after the Conquest, There may bee Courts of Judicature for the speedy tryall and determination of all causes, whether Criminall or Civill, erected and established in every Hundred, for the ease and benefit of the Subject, to be holden according to the old custome once or twice every moneth, for the ending of all causes Criminall and Civill whatsoever, which shall happen in the respective Hundreds. That the Freemen of England may have a sudden, quick and easie dispatch of their suits, and be eased also of their vexations and chargable travellings from all parts of the Kingdome, for processe and tryall of their suits unto Westminster Hall.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That Bale in no Case is to be denied, Tryals to be speedy, and tedious and hard Imprisonments no longer to be suffered. . . That no Fees are to be taken by Gaolers of their prisoners. . . That all proceedings in the law are to be free, without charges or Fees from the parties to the Officers.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That you would have freed all men from being examined against themselves, and from being questioned or punished for doing of that against which no Law hath bin provided.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 782f155bc0ab52043f73c8ccc8ee4348be6df41c 0 6 180 75 2024-02-24T00:15:33Z Hurlebatte 2 wikitext text/x-wiki <blockquote>Whereas that burthensom Tax of the Excise lies heavie onely upon the poorer, and most ingenuous and industrious People, to their intolerable oppression; and that all persons of large Revenues in Lands, and vaste estates at usury, bear not the least proportionable weight of that burthen, whereby Trade decayes, and all ingenuity and industry is discouraged; That therefore that oppressive way of raising money may forthwith cease, and all moneys be raised by equall Rates, according to the proportion of mens estates.</blockquote> —Leveller tract <blockquote>That you would have freed all Trade and Merchandising from all Monopolizing and Engrossing, by Companies or otherwise.</blockquote> —Leveller tract 82264a32439fcf4624f84d9c557f4c109d9e60d9